They are likely to be four to want to share

Who will be the voice of Europe in 2010 The Lisbon Treaty was supposed to answer this question. By endowing the Union with a "superprésident" that would organize the work of the twenty-seven heads of State or Government to better pace, first. By giving him a Minister for Foreign Affairs, with the support of a table service diploma tick activity, attempting to make his small audible music on the international scene, then. It was already a wheelchair for two. They are likely to be four to want to share. Because José Luis Zapaterro, the Spanish Prime Minister who chairs the Union for six months from January 1, since the Presidency remains, and José Manuel Barroso, comfortably renewed for a second term as Chairman of the Committee European should not just to usher in chrysanthemums.

Not easy for the leader of a large country such as the Spain of fade to newcomers. José Luis Zapaterro has already taken the measure of the danger: the head of the Spanish Government quickly obtained that two upcoming major summits, with the United States and Latin America, are held in Spain, and not in Brussels as the new Treaty so provides.

Nothing is said, especially, that José Manuel Barroso accept to abandon the place he has gained over the past five years, if not on the political level, at least on the media scene. As the President of the Commission took bad habits. It was so far the only one to embody the Europe with a term of five years. Offering him an indisputable advantage over the heads of State holding the rotating EU Presidency, although some, such as Nicolas Sarkozy, gave him much trouble in the often relegating to the rank of mere listed. It will even more tempted to continue on this registry as the new President of the European Council, Herman Van Rompuy, seems little charismatic. And that the High Representative, which will also be Vice-President of the Commission, found Brussels under his authority.

The choice of a personality more flamboyant that Van Rompuy, as Tony Blair, would have been more like, and would have undoubtedly enabled the Council to better give the change to the Commission. But still he had the former British Prime Minister is clearly pro-European. Its main outsider, the Luxembourg Prime Minister, Jean-Claude Juncker, was probably a little too much to not upset some of its logical homo. For the new position of head of European diplomacy, a David Miliband might have been a pebble in the shoe of Barroso. But the British Minister of Foreign Affairs declined the offer and the appointment of Catherine Ashton is the result of a simple equation: the High Representative should be a high representative, British Socialist in addition.

A priori reassuring for José Manuel Barroso, the two appointments may however reserve surprises. Because, in Brussels as elsewhere, is often the function that creates the thief. Van Rompuy very quickly understood. Without delay its entry into service in January, he took his first intervention before the twenty-seven, at the dinner that brought together at the last European Summit to impose to at the outset the rules of the game: smaller but more numerous meetings where the heads of State and Government could exchange freely without Ministers or experts. To decide on its schedule, with a first extraordinary Summit on the Balkans in February. One way to immediately take the hand and begin to impose a style. Little known peers, since he was Prime Minister of Belgium than a year, it would be well capable of them surprising. Because, behind the quiet, almost lunatic father, hiding an iron will and sometimes brittle rigour. The head of the Belgian Government, it did not hesitate to calm the enthusiasm of some of his ministers, as Didier Reynders of finance, that he considered to be too verbose.

Of a power of codecision largely extended by the Treaty of Lisbon, the European Parliament could have his say on this Division of roles. Colegislator in the same way that the Council, it will be the privileged ally of Van Rompuy when the latter wish to endorse its arbitration by the European Summit. He may also censure the Commission in the binding to resign. A risk that Barroso will have to bear in making account, also regularly, its initiatives to MEPs.

The skirmishes to announce many. But the coexistence will be peaceful. No player may not take the risk of creating a trial of strength, or even to open an institutional crisis. Especially today, while Europe has never been as popular as little in most Member States, but the vast majority of citizens justice necessary to take the lead in the fight against climate change, strengthen the supervision of banks or organize a coordinated crisis exit strategy.